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Crucial Higher Defence Management
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 What India needs today is a strong military, which can stand on its own. Only then, can we talk with confidence on global issues and our foreign policy will acquire the required teeth.
by
Brigadier Arun Bajpai (Retd)
Finally, the verdict is out. The
report of the Parliamentary
Committee on Defence, tabled
in the Indian Parliament on 16
December 2009, should make
the people of India stand up and take
notice of the cavalier manner in which
the neta-babu combine, straddling the
Ministry of Defence (MOD), are dealing
with the country’s security.
If this slide is not arrested, it may not
be long before we see a repeat of the
ignomous defeat that we suffered at the
hands of the Chinese Army, in 1962.
Kudos to this body of Indian legislatures
who, cutting across party lines,
have taken serious note of this lackadaisical
attitude of the people in
power, concerning India’s security. The
report points out that the 3 wings of the
Indian Armed Forces are working on
the “Long Term Perspective Plan 2012
2027,” taking the “11th 5-Year Defence
Plan 2007-2012” as their base. However,
it is shocking that the Indian political
masters and bureaucrats, holding the
high chairs in MOD, have not
approved this 5-year plan, even 3 years
after it should have been implemented.
In other words, in the absence of
an approved 5-year plan, the 3 wings
of the Armed Forces are only shadowboxing,
when they prepare for the
2012 - 2027 Long Term Perspective
Plan. It is a fact that, even after 62
years of Independence, our political
masters have not yet spelt out the
country’s long-term strategic goals.
If we do not know what role we,
as a country, want to play in the international
arena in the short-term span
of the next 8 to 10 years and longterm
period of, say, 2 decades, what
meaningful planning can be done by
the security establishment? All that
we have been doing till now, in the
name of Defence planning, are the
knee-jerk actions based on the imme-
diate, developing situations. Instead
of being proactive, we have always
been reactive.
Very recently, Army Chief General
Deepak Kapoor has confirmed that
Pakistan has built 69 new bunkers on
our western borders. The Chinese
Army has been transgressing our eastern
boundary in Ladakh and
Arunachal Pradesh, almost every other
day, as if they are visiting picnic-spots.
Lacking coordination
Since the last 3 years, these border
violations are averaging 208 per year.
Both these countries have now openly
joined hands against India. These
should have been sufficient enough
reasons for the MOD in India to wake
up and take immediate corrective
measures. Have they?
Based on Kargil Committee recommendations,
the Indian Government
in 2003 had approved the plan of
setting up a federal Defence
Intelligence Agency (DIA) under
the MOD. Its job was to oversee
the functioning of the intelligence
agencies of the 3 Services and
coordinate between the other
Central and State intelligence
agencies. More than 6 years later,
no effort has been made to make
this operational.
Another decision, aimed at better
functioning of the MOD and
timely decision-making, was that
the 3 Service headquarters will be
fully integrated with the MOD. The
Armed Forces officers were also to be
posted on Joint Secretary and
Additional Secretary posts, which
currently remain the exclusive
domain of the bureaucrats. This proposal
is also gathering dust.
What is most shocking is that, in
2003, based on the recommendations
of the GOM, the then NDA
Government had decided to implement
the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)
System in India also. This system is
being followed in America, Britain,
France and 67 other countries. The
only rider was that, before implementation,
a political consensus will
be obtained.
The CDS system is required to
coordinate the functioning of the 3
Services, which tend to pull in different
directions, and create a synergy
in them. What is most important is a
common doctrinal platform.
Conflicting interests
Case in point is that, currently, the
Army is harping on the concept of
Cold Start in an event of limited war
with Pakistan. The concept envisages
no large mobilisation of forces, thereby
losing the element of surprise —
as it happened in Operation
Parakram in 2002.
In this concept, the pre-designated,
mobile battle groups start from
their cantonments straight for war.
For this, they want the Indian Air
Force (IAF) to provide them with
close air support.
The IAF is telling the Army that
they should use their own means,
like helicopter gunships, and not burden
it initially, with this role, as
they want to degrade the overall
capability of the enemy air force.
Both schools of thoughts have
merit but who decides which one
to adopt? This is where the CDS
comes in.
Another most important function
of the CDS system is that it
provides a single-window military
advice opportunity to the
Government. CDS also resolves
the procurement and planning
requirement of the 3 Services,
thereby ensuring optimal usage of
the Defence Budget.
The Parliamentary Committee has
taken note that 8 years have gone by
and, in the name of obtaining political
consensus for implementing the
CDS system, all that the MOD has
done is to write some letters to the
States. Truth of the matter is that the
bureaucrats, currently straddling the
MOD and playing General, will lose
their primacy. So, they do not want
this CDS system.
The 3 Services Chiefs’ individual
powers will also be eroded so they, too,
not want this system. Politicians are
also quite happy because the 3 Services
keep on fighting their turf battles.
When things go wrong, these gentlemen
can then blame one or all the 3
Services and they will come out clean.
The 1962 Indo-Chinese war debacle is a
case in point.
For long, we, the people of India,
have been listening to the parroted
assurances by the Indian politicians
and the 3 Service Chiefs that we are
fully ready to give a befitting reply to
anybody, who casts unholy eyes on
India. Truth is just the opposite.
As of date, we suffer from a crippling
shortage 11,387 officers in the
Army, 1,512 officers in the Navy and
1,400 officers in the Air Force. These
shortages are in the young and middle
officers order, who form the cutting-
edge of the Defence Services.
A recent study has brought out
that, for the Army alone to make up
for this deficiency, it will take 27
years,if no additional efforts are
made. The situation in the Air Force
and Navy is no better. Still, the powers-
that-be seem quite unconcerned.
The IAF, which has a sanctioned
strength of 39-and-a-half squadrons,
is down to just 32 squadrons because
we do not have any war-planes to fly.
The Indian Navy, which as per the
Government’s own directive, was
never to go less than 142 ships, is
reduced to 132 warships now.
The 19 submarines, that we are
currently having, are of very old vintage.
There is no guarantee that, if
they dive in war conditions, they will
ever resurface.
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